Black Catholicism in The Reconstruction Era South: Economic Deficiencies and Social Variance Throughout Cardinal Herbert Vaughan’s 1872 Travel Journal

“The retrospect of the Southern State is that of a territory whose creation is only half finished. The water is still separating from the land. That which is not ooze and swamp is poor, covered with pine forests. People without vigor or energy, without capital, without identity, without good government, and without prospects.” -Cardinal Herbert Vaughan1

The dissemination of Catholicism among freed African Americans in the Reconstruction-era Southern United States is an important, yet relatively overlooked, history. While Catholic education had already made its way to the US in the years before the Civil War, Catholicism among Black communities was still in its relative infancy.2 Cardinal Herbert Vaughan––most known for his tenure as Archbishop of Westminster, England, and for founding Saint Joseph’s Missionary Society of Mill Hill––journeyed to and across the Southern United States in 1872. He aimed to document the hindrances that could and did threaten the introduction and widespread dissemination of Catholicism in African American communities throughout the once-Confederate territories. In a journal he kept throughout this trip, Vaughan recorded conversations, stories, and interactions that discussed the South and their inhabitants. By examining the history of African American Catholicism before Reconstruction alongside Vaughan’s documentation, it becomes evident that the Mill Hill Missionaries aimed to both spread Catholicism to emancipated African Americans and revitalize––through providing additional priests for education and renovating or constructing buildings––a decimated South that continuously portrayed Catholicism as an insignificant religion because of its deteriorating institutions and organizations.3 Vaughan, by leading this effort, had the potential of supplanting Catholics’ generally unfavorable reputation within the African American community. However, because of the South’s overall condition and general insufficiencies within the Catholic Church’s American institutions during this period, the mission was a mere drop in the bucket.

CARDINAL HERBERT ALFRED VAUGHAN

To better ground discussions regarding his journal and trip, it proves essential to introduce and recognize Cardinal Vaughan and his rise to power in the Catholic Church. Herbert Alfred Vaughan, born 15 April 1832 in Gloucester, was the scion of the Vaughan Estate, parented by Lieutenant Colonel John Vaughan and Louisa Elizabeth Vaughan.4 He began his formal education at St. Mary’s Mission in Monmouth, Wales, later joining Stonyhurst College. Next, he became a student at Downside School and eventually attended a Jesuit school in Brugelette, Belgium. In the latter half of 1851, he traveled to Rome, pursuing formal training at Collegio Romano. Showing promise in his studies, he was ordained in 1854 at the age of 22.5 After several years of work throughout England––even becoming Vice-President of St. Edmund’s College in 1855––Vaughan traveled to the Americas in search of funding to support the establishment of a seminary in England.6 He succeeded by 1866 and founded St. Joseph’s College for the Foreign Missions in Mill Hill.

Vaughan was a prominent figure during this period, for better or worse. While described as having a retiring personality, both proponents and adversaries claimed he had a vigorous mind, a sharp temperament, and often utilized his higher position of power to get his way.7 According to historian Jay P. Corrin’s research, “a delegate from the National Committee of Organised Labour, who met with Vaughan to discuss his support for the group’s pension scheme, related how the cardinal was gracious, refined, and regal, yet somehow out of touch with the world of workingmen.”8 While upholding a dignified persona, through The Tablet––a Catholic publication Vaughan purchased and took control of in 1868––he disseminated his opinions in methods some criticized as “odious and unchristian.”9 Not only a controversial figure in the public eye, Vaughan’s involvement with countering the Oxford Movement only solidified his candid, almost caustic reputation.

Vaughan’s opposition of liberal Catholicism brought him into conflict with many prominent figures of the day, including John Henry Newman whom he saw as the figurehead of this wing of the church. When from 1864-1867 Newman, with the encouragement of Bishop Ullathorne, proposed the establishment of a Catholic house at Oxford, Vaughan led the charge to block him. In his eyes, Newman’s planned Oxford mission would threaten the ability of Catholics to control the education of their youth by encouraging their admission to Protestant universities, while also encouraging the formation of a liberal––which to Roman Catholics meant revolutionary––school of thought. To combat these developments, Vaughan traveled to Rome to gain support against Newman, stating that “[Newman’s] presence at Oxford ha[d] been publicly declared to be an encouragement to Catholics to go thither.” Vaughan then referenced an old article from the Rambler, a Catholic periodical Newman wrote for, as evidence that he was unreliable. Vaughan was skilled at politicking and would use these skills to achieve his aims. This behavior, while riveting to examine, also provides a necessary backdrop to comprehend the perspectives and personal anecdotes included in his 1872 journal.

AFRICAN AMERICAN CATHOLICISM BEFORE RECONSTRUCTION

Historian Stephen J. Ochs best synopsizes Catholic involvement in African American society during this era by asserting, “before the arrival of the Mill Hill Fathers, the church had failed in its mission to Afro-Americans.”10 Catholicism was a minority in the US in the eighteenth and nineteenth centuries, second to the more prevalent Protestantism. However, in the years preceding the Civil War, there were increasing numbers of immigrants––mainly from Ireland and Germany––which expanded the overall population of Catholics in the country from 195,000 in 1815 to 3,103,000 by 1860.11 Already small in numbers, such an influx sparked shortages in priests, funding, and buildings for the Catholic communities. Though lay Catholics considered priests to be the leaders of their communities and sought guidance from them, few supplies were available and little help could be provided due to having too few priests for the influx of Catholic immigrants. Leaving such little support for White Catholics, Black practitioners suffered even more. Archbishop James Whitfield of Baltimore wrote that “though the slaves presented a golden opportunity for apostolic labor, he could not even meet the needs of Whites, who felt deprived of the successors of religions, and that he therefore could not attend to blacks.”12

Introducing Catholicism to African Americans was relatively rare, though the Catholic Church itself was not opposed to having Black priests; in fact Black priests were ordained as early as the fourth century.13 Like white Catholics, African Americans respected and admired their priests, and the church was often the epicenter of social, economic, political, and spiritual life for Black communities.14 Though several establishments allowed freed African Americans to practice Catholicism, they were typically never allowed positions of power, leading to the belief that the Catholic Church was the “white man’s” church.15

While Pope Gregory XVI condemned the Atlantic Slave Trade in his In Supremo Apostolatus Fastigio in 1835, racism still ran rampant through the church, especially in the US.16 Most white Catholics believed Black populations were inferior and incapable of holding positions of power in the church, aligning with the consensus of the American South. Similar were their views towards emancipation, with many assuming immediate liberation would cause economic and societal collapse. Though already mostly aligning with the social views of the South, the minority southern Catholic Church also upheld these ideals, as they were anxious about disordering the racial status quo and causing further alienation. This sentiment followed into the Civil War, though most Catholic practitioners supported the Union or Confederacy based on their respective location. Following the war, emancipation caused thousands of freed African Americans to leave the Catholic Church, as they sought more opportunities for leadership and acceptance offered in the Protestant Churches––though racism still ran rampant throughout the Protestant church as well. Reconstruction only continued the church’s prejudiced outlook on Black populations, with Catholic societies associating themselves with white supremacy advocates and organizations.17

VAUGHAN’S SOUTHERN TOUR AND ACCOMPANYING JOURNAL

Amid Reconstruction, Jesuit Michael O’Connor contacted Vaughan and requested that missionaries be sent to convert the roughly 4 million freedmen in the South. With the approval of Pope Pius IX and the assigning of St. Francis Xavier Church in Baltimore to Mill Hill Fathers, Vaughan set off for the States with James Noonan, Cornelius Dowling, Charles Vignerot, and Joseph Gore.18 After settling in Baltimore for several months, Vaughan began his trip to the South, hoping to gather information pertinent to the Catholic mission overall. The journal he kept contains his findings chronologically organized, with each section’s heading containing the city he visited or the topic he examined.

This collection of writings incorporates a wealth of stories, statistics, and personal accounts that help describe Reconstruction-era Catholicism in the Southern United States from the perspective of Black Catholics. While attempting to revitalize the Catholic organizations in the South, Vaughan made sure to record numerous stories and details that illustrate the varying opinions towards Black populations in the territory. Those interviewed who were opposed to the involvement of Black Americans in Catholicism voiced common concerns about the security of their well-being, both physical and regarding social status. A judge Vaughan spoke with on a train ride stated that he “feared [the Mill Hill Missionaries’] mission, that negroes would become Catholics and then would act simply at command of the church.”19 This fear of surpassing or overtaking ran rampant throughout the Reconstruction South, and others Vaughan spoke with voiced their concerns over what local opposition––in the form of citizens and community leaders––may do if Black Catholic institutions were formed. One New Orleans interviewee stated that some of the population believed if an African American school were constructed, “whites [would] burn it down.”20 Additionally, the Creole population was heavily against mixed education, stating, “we wish to bring up our children well, and these freedmen have no religion or morality.”21 Because of racialized resentment in certain territories, it was important to identify locations where Catholic missions would benefit the Black populations.

The travel journal also includes various perspectives from bishops and educators throughout the South in cities such as New Orleans, LA; Natchez, MS; Mobile, AL; Vicksburg, MS; etc. Their perspectives on Black populations vary, but most praise their ability to learn and their enthusiasm toward religious education. Figures like Father Callahan in St. Louis, Bishop Elder in Natchez, and Father Cassella in Haiti spoke highly of their intellectual capabilities, religious inclination, and virtuousness.22 Supporters of the mission often voiced their ability to cooperate in any way they can, and that education is the best service that can be offered to Black communities.23 A common theme throughout supporters’ interviews is the consistent anxiety of requiring aid quickly. Vaughan, discussing two different interviews, writes, “Father Folehi very anxious for us to come and help him” and “Bishop very anxious to have us.”24 The root of this anxiety originates from the aforementioned priest, funding, and supply shortages, but is made exceedingly worse by the Civil War’s devastating consequences. According to Ochs, “twelve hundred Catholic war orphans in Louisiana depended on the church for care, and in Mississippi, Bishop William Elder and his handful of priests found themselves overwhelmed by thousands of Black refugees, many of whom were facing death from starvation and disease.”25 In a church located in Galveston, Texas, mass could only be held on days with no rain because of the bullet holes lining the roof.26 The war devastated parts of the US, and because the South suffered defeat, their already-crippling economic turmoil continued to spiral downward.

Vaughan generally noted logistics, especially money, behind assisting pre-established Catholic institutions and creating new ones. He kept detailed notes regarding which individuals would allow Mill Hill Missionaries to conduct work in their churches or schools. Many buildings are described as “miserable,” needing a considerable number of repairs and assistance to get operational again.27 Vaughan notes that many societies and individuals, such as the Notre Dame Sisters in Cincinnati and Father Callahan in St. Louis, needed nothing more than a structurally sound building or house to conduct their work in. When describing Father Callahan’s unfortunate position, Vaughan writes, “he has no school–which is much needed. The little chapel over the aisle of the church–cold in winter, burning in summer–is inconvenient for them.”28 This illustrates the additional negative impact of weather on the already difficult southern situation. In one section on the overall unfortunate state of the South, Vaughan writes, “damp, so damp as to harm turn the pocketbook in one’s coat moldy in a night in summertime in Jacksonville.”29 The hot and humid climate makes the necessity for secure buildings all the more dire.

The final theme mentioned in Vaughan’s journal is the segregation of white and Black populations in Catholicism. Through his various interviews, Vaughan concluded that separate Black parishes were necessary for freedom from the humiliation caused by agitated and racist Whites.30 This sentiment came not from a place of prejudice, but from other bishops and Catholic individuals who worked directly with the Black population. Father Mandine from New Orleans stated that Black populations “like to have a place of their own, without its being determined that no White shall enter it.”31 Father Serage from Vicksburg said that “separate churches for them [are] essential in order that they may have more particular attention–and priests set apart for them are equally essential.”32 According to Vaughan and other noted Catholics, this separation would give African Americans autonomy and freedom that would be appreciated, not disliked. Overall, through these personal anecdotes, interviews, and stories Vaughan includes in his journal, the complications impeding the restoration and dissemination of Catholicism in the Reconstruction-era South are brought to light. With many issues stemming from the Civil War, it is clear Vaughan’s mission was to achieve the unachievable.

CONCLUSION

Following Vaughan’s trip to the southern states, he assigned Cornelius Dowling as rector of St. Francis Xavier Church.33 Leaving the US, Vaughan returned to Mill Hill while the four men who accompanied him on the initial trip stayed to establish a mission society. Three of these four men died within four years, and James Noonan––the last living member and eventual successor to Dowling––left the Mill Hill Society in 1877.34 Because of their insufficient money, leadership, and personnel, the Catholics continued struggling to convert Black populations in the US throughout the Reconstruction era.

The Southern mission was relatively doomed from the beginning. In a time of confusion and dismay, the South was forced to adapt to the North’s economic schema as they rebuilt during a period of political, social, and moral transformation. The dozens of opinions Vaughan heard and documented in this journal are crucial to understanding the dismantled and decaying state of the South during this period alongside what obstacles obstructed Catholicism’s dissemination into Black communities. In need of money, men, buildings, and supplies, Vaughan and the Mill Hill Missionaries were tasked with resolving a much larger situation than anything they could have fixed themselves without substantial funding and support from the greater Catholic Church. Having seen the devastation caused by the Civil War, Vaughan writes, “I do not see what future there is for the Southern states, unless capital from the North and Northern energy come down to redeem them, but no emigrant should go to them.”35 Even within the US, Southern bishops asked for Northern assistance, but very few immigrant Catholics sent supplies and funds.36 The deprivation of the South combined with the less-than-adequate supply of men and supplies for Catholics in the U.S. overall was a recipe for disaster Vaughan could not remedy himself. Though his mission bore little success in the years immediately following his trip, his journal stands as a unique collection of primary source stories and perspectives of the Reconstruction South, charting the troubled beginnings of Black Catholicism and illustrating the insuperable task of remedying the decimated South.

1 Ronald L. Sharps,“Black Catholics in the United States: A Historical Chronology,” U.S. Catholic Historian 12, no. 1 (1994): 119–41.

2 Herbert Vaughan, Travel Journal, NINS Digital Collections, 34.

3 Robert O’Neil, “Cardinal Herbert Vaughan: The Editor with a Mission,” The Tablet (16 March 2016).

4 Robert J. O’Neil, Cardinal Herbert Vaughan, 75; O’Neil, “Cardinal Herbert Vaughan.”

5 Robert J. O’Neil, Cardinal Herbert Vaughan (New York, NY: Crossroad, 1997), 39.

6 O’Neil, Cardinal Herbert Vaughan, 77.

7 Jay P. Corrin, “The Church in England,” in Catholic Progressives in England after

Vatican II, (University of Notre Dame Press, 2013), 17.

8 O’Neil, Cardinal Herbert Vaughan, 181.

9 Ochs, Desegregating the Altar, 1993, 11. For more information on African American Catholicism, see Cyprian Davis’s groundbreaking book The History of Black Catholics in the United States (New York: Crossroads/Continuum, 1990).

10 Ochs, Desegregating the Altar, 9, 10, 15.

11 Ronald L. Sharps, “Black Catholics in the United States: A Historical Chronology,” U.S. Catholic Historian 12, no. 1 (1994): 123.

12 Ochs, Desegregating the Altar, 10.

13 Ochs, Desegregating the Altar, 9, 11, 31, 32, 36, 37.

14 Stephen J. Ochs, Desegregating the Altar (Baton Rouge, LA: LSU Press, 1993), 9.

15 Ochs, Desegregating the Altar, 43-44.

16 Herbert Vaughan, Travel Journal, NINS Digital Collections, 5, 12, and 39.

17 Herbert Vaughan, Travel Journal, NINS Digital Collection, 8.

18 Herbert Vaughan, Travel Journal, NINS Digital Collections, 15.

19 Herbert Vaughan, Travel Journal, NINS Digital Collections, 27.

20 Herbert Vaughan, Travel Journal, NINS Digital Collections, 11.

21 Herbert Vaughan, Travel Journal, NINS Digital Collections, 36.

22 Ochs, Desegregating the Altar, 33.

23 Ochs, Desegregating the Altar, 33.

24 Herbert Vaughan, Travel Journal, NINS Digital Collections, 6.

25 Herbert Vaughan, Travel Journal, NINS Digital Collections, 5.

26 Herbert Vaughan, Travel Journal, NINS Digital Collections, 25.

27 Ochs, Desegregating the Altar, 44.

28 Herbert Vaughan, Travel Journal, NINS Digital Collections, 16-17.

29 Herbert Vaughan, Travel Journal, NINS Digital Collections, 11.

30 Ochs, Desegregating the Altar, 44.

31 Diane Batts Morrow, “‘Undoubtedly a Bad State of Affairs’: The Oblate Sisters of Providence and the Josephite Fathers, 1877–1903,” The Journal of African American History 101, no. 3 (2016): 276.

32 Ochs, Desegregating the Altar, 33, 34.

33 Ochs, Desegregating the Altar, 15.

34 “Reconstruction and Its Aftermath - the African American Odyssey: A Quest for Full Citizenship | Exhibitions (Library of Congress),” The African American Odyssey (9 February 1998).

35 Herbert Vaughan, Travel Journal, NINS Digital Collections, 34-35.

36 Throughout his trip, Vaughan visited what is present day Missouri, Ohio, Tennessee, Mississippi, Louisiana, Alabama, Georgia, South Carolina, and Virginia.